The ideological vacuum left by the Soviet collapse
Vladimir Liparteliani claims an ideological void appeared in Georgia following the breakup of the Soviet Union. This vacuum allowed foreign powers to shape how Georgians understand their own identity. Stephen Jones observed that the question of "who we are" occupied the minds of everyone in Georgian society during that era. While ethnic nationalism developed, liberal democracy tried to substitute communism and nationalism. Later attempts to develop civic nationalism and religion also shaped the Georgian self-identity. Liparteliani examines these interacting processes in his book, Soft Power Competition Between Russia and the West, Contesting Georgian National Identity, 1991-2024. He uses Joseph Nye’s definition of soft power, a concept that describes influence through attraction and persuasion rather than through coercion or threat. Since 2012, during Vladimir Putin’s third presidential term, Russian soft power became a formal part of Russian foreign policy. Instead of making Georgians admire Russia, this strategy encourages them to distrust the West. This evolution in Russian soft power, which has developed over 35 years, promotes an illiberal agenda, conservative ideas, and the image of a strong state to challenge the popularity of western integration. This movement mirrors the international resurgence of authoritarianism.
Manipulation through the dichotomy of tradition and liberalism
The Georgian political leadership acts illiberally and authoritatively, which effectively puts European integration on hold. This political direction contradicts a society that maintains widespread support for joining NATO and the European Union. Liparteliani argues that anti-western and anti-democratic narratives manipulate society by creating an artificial dichotomy between traditional culture and modern liberal values. These narratives present these two concepts as mutually exclusive, even though he calls that claim absurd. The manipulation focuses on issues like LGBTQ+ rights, gender, and human rights. Such messages gain traction because of the current quality of education and the level of public awareness in Georgia. This political shift remains possible because some people accept or passively acquiesce to anti-liberal measures. These citizens often misunderstand the nature of liberal democracy. This misunderstanding facilitates the government’s illiberal stance. I find his assessment of the manufactured conflict between tradition and democracy to be a blunt critique of current Georgian political maneuvers. The government uses these narratives to weaken liberal democracies by promoting problematic political models that favor authoritarianism, and they often use false information to create division. The current authoritarian turn in Georgia relies on the fact that the government presents modern liberal values as a threat to Georgian national identity.
Regional influence and the future of a transitional democracy
Middle powers exert influence in specific parts of the country through local effects. Turkey’s soft power remains stronger in western Georgia, particularly in the Adjara region and among the Muslim population. Iran’s influence stays more local, exerting power among the Shia Muslim population and parts of the ethnically Azerbaijani population. China represents an emerging power that competes with both western and Russian soft power, though China has not done a great deal in Georgia yet. Georgia remains a transitional democracy that exists at the crossroads of the West and the East. This geopolitical position makes the competition for influence over the country very strong, involving both regional and global actors. The conflict in Ukraine will influence the direction in which Georgia develops in the future. Nikolo Mitsishvili described Georgia as a "passive phenomenon" during the early 20th century. Liparteliani believes the smart younger generation will support civil society and western actors.
